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Germany struggles to stem far-right tide 5 years after politician’s assassination

Germany's first right-wing political assassination since the 1920s sent the nation into shock. But after a neo-Nazi killed Christian Democrat Walter Lübcke in 2019, right-wing violence is on the rise and the far-right Alternative for Germany party has only grown.

BERLIN (CN) — When a local politician from Hesse, Germany, was shot to death in his own home in June 2019, the case was first deemed a mystery. But those keeping close tabs on Germany's far right immediately knew what was behind the murder. 

"Government agencies, at least publicly, initially said the motivation behind the murder was unclear. But for us it was clear from the very beginning that it was a far-right attack," Kirsten Neumann from MBT Hessen, an organization providing counseling and support to those affected by right-wing violence in Hesse, told Courthouse News. 

Neumann, who would later serve as an expert adviser during government inquiries into Walter Lübcke's assassination, said the Christian Democrat politician had long been a target for harassment and threats from the far right. 

'A new form of escalation'

"The assassination of a serving politician is unprecedented, and there was certainly an outcry," Johannes Kiess, a political scientist at the University of Leipzig, told Courthouse News. 

But in the years after Lübcke's death, "we had numerous right-wing terror attacks. The details often changed, but the overall picture didn't. And now, five years later, I'd say the political climate has actually worsened," he added. 

Though the assassination was often discussed as a turning point by German media, Kiess argues that little changed in its aftermath. One exception: The Verfassungschutz, Germany's interior intelligence service, which Kiess said "has taken right-wing extremism more seriously." 

Intelligence agency head Thomas Haldenwang called right-wing extremism the "greatest threat to security and democracy in Germany," and marked numerous right-wing organizations — including, somewhat controversially, the far-right Alternative for Germany, or AfD — for surveillance. 

2022 saw mass arrests of far-right activists plotting to overthrow Germany's government

Politically motivated crime is on the rise, with Germany reporting that 2023 marked the highest levels since tracking began in 2001. Kiess described this uptick in violence as part of "another wave of right-wing terror attacks," including direct violence against politicians.

Social Democratic candidate for European Parliament Matthias Ecke was hospitalized in early May after being attacked while canvassing in the eastern city of Dresden. Fellow Social Democrat and former Berlin mayor Franziksa Giffey was also assaulted, while a Green Party politician was spat on while putting up posters. 

Lorenz Blumenthaler is part of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation, a nationwide organization fighting racism, antisemitism and the far right. He said that while threatening conditions for democratic actors, especially in eastern Germany, are "nothing new," recent events are different.

"This shows a new form of escalation," he said. "There's a radicalization within the far right where they now feel so secure that they attack high-ranking politicians, instead of just threatening local administrations and small cultural initiatives." 

'No. 1 target'

Lübcke rose to prominence in 2015 for his staunch support of the pro-refugee policies of then-Chancellor Angela Merkel, a fellow Christian Democrat, during that year's migrant crisis in Europe. His response to a heckler at a town hall meeting garnered national attention — and infuriated the far right.  

Lübcke told the heckler: "It's worth it to live in this country. It means standing up for certain values. And anyone who doesn't stand by these values can leave this country at any time."

A recording of the exchange immediately went viral in right-wing networks, and it resurfaced again shortly before his death in 2019. 

"We had followed him and attacks on him closely in the wake of his speech. At that point, the extreme right had made Lübcke their No. 1 target. His statement had really riled up the neo-Nazis," Neumann said. 

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Lübcke's murderer, a neo-Nazi who was also convicted of attacking refugees, was sentenced to life in prison in 2021. 

Posters commemorating German politician Walter Lubcke, who was assassinated by a neo-Nazi. The text reads "Stop right-wing terror." (Sebastian Wallroth/Wikimedia Commons via Courthouse News)

In the wake of Lübcke's assassination, Merkel called on Germany to rigorously fight right-wing extremism "without any taboo."

Locally, the state of Hesse clamped down particularly stridently on right-wing organizations following Lübcke's murder, Neumann said.

"There have been a number of state-led measures against neo-Nazi networks in the past couple years, including intensive surveillance and legal prohibitions," said Neumann. Their effectiveness, however, has yet to be proven. 

"A number of neo-Nazis fled to other states to avoid legal sanctions, though they often continued their activities after moving. Just because you're a couple kilometers down the road doesn't mean you're truly gone," she said.  

The globally intertwined right

According to Blumenthaler, Germany's far right resembles a mosaic.

"There are so many different actors and networks, as well as the institutionalized far right. These actors already pose an immense threat, not only for their overarching goal of getting rid of democracy, but also right now for minorities and refugees," Blumenthaler told Courthouse News 

Eastern Germany is seen as a right-wing hotbed. While the far-right AfD's national growth stalled in 2021's federal elections, it has seen continued success in state elections in the former East Germany.  

And though Germany's first far-right political party to enter parliament since World War II understandably dominates headlines, the Alternative for Germany's influence isn't limited to electoral gains. 

"We're at a crucial moment, because the AfD has become normalized, and so has their ideology. And as we see from the rise in attacks on minorities and democratic politicians, the AfD doesn't have to be in power to pose a threat to democracy. And that's often overlooked," said Blumenthaler. 

The rise of the AfD reflects a broader surge of a globally intertwined right, according to Kiess.

"It's similar to the alt-right in the U.S. It's not just the AfD or any one group, it's a movement of multiple loosely-connected actors. And they've used the recent crises, starting with the global financial crises but more concretely in the summer of migration in 2015, and then more recently with the pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and inflation, as windows of opportunity for mobilization," said Kiess. 

This has helped shift Germany's political discourse to the right, and Kiess said that centrist parties like the Christian Democrats and even Chancellor Olaf Scholz's ruling Social Democrats have adjusted both discourse and policies around migration and asylum in its wake.  

While Germany's democratic parties continue to refuse to work with the AfD at the national level, the "firewall" they've set against cooperation has already begun deteriorating at the local level. 

'Defending democracy'

Recent events will put support for the AfD to the test. The party is currently embroiled in a number of scandals heading into the European elections. Their top EU candidate, Maximilian Krah, is under investigation for suspicious links to Russia and China, and was banned from campaigning by the party for saying that not all members of the Nazi SS were criminals.  

Germany's Maximilian Krah, of the far-right Alternative for Germany, grimaces during a session at the European Parliament, Tuesday, April 23, 2024 in Strasbourg, eastern France. (AP Photo/Jean-Francois Badias)

This comment was enough for the European Parliament's far-right Identity and Democracy group to expel the AfD. Domestically, in addition to the domestic intelligence service surveilling segments of the party, Germany is having an outspoken debate about whether or not to ban the Alternative for Germany entirely for posing a threat to democracy. 

"I think sometimes too many expectations are put into politicians solving (these threats to democracy) immediately," said Blumenthaler. Citing the attempt to ban the German Nationalist Party, a far-right successor to the AfD, that "failed miserably" in the face of the courts, he argued that "we shouldn't put too many hopes in getting rid of the AfD purely through judicial procedure." 

Resistance to the far-right party hasn't solely been relegated to the courts or debate halls of the Bundestag. Following a January report about a secret meeting between members of the AfD, neo-Nazis and other elements of the far-right that planned the forced migration of millions living in Germany, hundreds of thousands of people participated in widespread pro-democracy protests. 

"Of course we're excited that people are taking to the streets. We've met plenty of people that have told us that these were the first demonstrations they've participated in in their lives. So we think it's great when people say 'OK, I'll get off the couch,’" Neumann said.  

Neumann, Kiess and Blumenthaler all said mass mobilizations against the far right are a positive sign. But Blumenthaler argues that just as the courts won't independently foil extremism, protesting won't be enough either. 

"We kind of need a similar strategy to what the far right has pursued. We need close interaction between politics, security forces and civil society, and everybody needs to step up their game and cooperate if we really want to be serious about defending democracy," he said. 

Institutions failed to restrict the right's expanse in the five years following Lübcke's assassination. The question now is whether it's too late. Upcoming European elections and a slate of regional polls in the east in September might provide an answer. 

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Categories / International, Politics

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